How does the proposition of an ‘Anthropocene’ impact
on new media ecologies?
Humanity
Vs Nature
In Moore’s essay ‘The Capitalocene: Part I’ he
explores the roll of historical events and philosophies that underpin our
shared perception of the human species as a largely homogenous acting unit (‘the human
enterprise’); ‘commodification,
industrialisation, imperialism,
globalisation, patriarchy,
inequality, racism’, what Moore describes as ‘the Anthropocene’s point of
departure’.
From the Anthropocene dialogue it can be considered that the
industrial revolution was the origin of ecological crisis due to its succeeding
disunion of Humanity and Nature. Moore expresses the
Anthropocenic syllogism as: ‘fossil fuels = capitalism = more fossil fuels =
climate catastrophe’. For early modern materialism, the point was not only
to interpret the world but to control it: ‘to make ourselves as it were the
masters and possessors of nature’ (Descartes 2006, 51). Animals become
machines, machines and resources become things abstracted from socio-ecological
relations (Marx 1977, 512–513). Such a discourse highlights the origins of the domestication and
thus separation of ‘Humanity’ and ‘Nature’, an idea that Moore calls ‘Green Arithmetic’, whereby nature becomes but a factor, a variable, a part of the story. Seeing
human relations as not only distinct from nature, but as effectively
independent of the web of life, has shaped social thought for two centuries (Moore, 2017). Hence, the premise of capitalism
rests on the separation of Humanity and Nature; that we inhabit something
called Society, and act upon something called Nature. This
is the problem of alienation, shaping everything from the structures of work to
the structures of feeling (e.g. Marx 1977; Braverman 1974; Williams 1977).
Capitalocene
T.J. Demos argues in ‘Against the Anthropocene’ that such a
proposition whitewashes the “sheer complexity and multiple dimensionality of
our geo-politico-economic formation” distracting public perception of the
greater disparity issues at hand. Instead, he agrees Moore’s suggestion of a
‘Capitalocene’ thesis can best translate a world structure “where all will not
be blamed for the activities of a few and where culpability for ecocide is
assigned to those responsible so that the future becomes not only possible but
guaranteed”. Accordingly, Moore states: “The Capitalocene thesis foregrounds
how capitalism evolved within and against nature's web of life…the crisis of
climate change, according to this perspective, owes not simply to a substance
like oil or coal, or to a chemical element like carbon - and certainly not to
humanity's species being - but to complex socio-economic, political, and
material operations, involving class and commodities, imperialisms and empires,
and biotechnology and militarism.” Such an idea is best exemplified through diamond trade. As the new
aspects of the technosphere developed, after 91 million years, the hardest
known substance on earth could now be extracted and sold. Humans who owned
machines over geological matter, giving rise to a hierarchy and feeding the
formation of cities, corporations and institutions (Green, 2015). Thus, was
established a legal infrastructure that favoured mining, and a social
infrastructure that established race-based disenfranchisement.
The contextual origins of colonial and imperialist social structures
within the technosphere establish a clear origin and subsequent rise of a
plantationocene and homogenocene, both terms coined as subcategories of a
capitalocene. The former refers to
“the commodification of nature” as a result of the 18th and 19th century
Spanish-mission-led colonialisaiton of California, the cotton and sugar
slave-worked plantations in North and South America of the same era, and the
current sites of biogenetically assisted industrial agriculture in Argentina,
India and Indonesia (Demos, 2017). Furthermore, the plantation system
intensified the oppression of women and the regimentation of normative racial
and gender codes, supressing interspecies co-becomings and naturalcultural
mutualities (Tsing, 2012) giving rise to a Homogenocene of genetically and
industrially induced monocultures, at the cost of mass extinctions, identifying
the de-biodiversifying effects of globalisations reduction of nature to the
commodity form via
corporate-extravist-strip-mining-oil-drilling-monocrop-planting-dam-building
neoliberalism (Suckling, 2015).
Thus, the accumulation and advancement of such
social structures is what ultimately formed the fossil-fuel burning civilisation
we see today, where energy autonomy is the highest form of power in our
globalised system. If we attempt to gain perspective on the issue, we see that
parliamentary debate of the last decade discusses
three-hundred-million-year-old subterra, and whether or not to fracture the
shale from Carboniferous. Here, those running the Anthropocene precariously
seek to claim an ignorant understanding of numbers beyond their comprehension.
The industrial humanities have created structures
of claiming things that are not ones to claim, such as the four (western)
elements of fire, water, air and earth and the five (eastern) elements
including metal and wood and (ancient cultures) fifth of void (space). In turn,
the West began the exploitation of poorer areas to feed their development.
Consequently, the resourcing of everything on earth for commodity production
permits companies to assert dominance over areas to gain power through resource
gathering. Accordingly, we see the more fragile economies turn to multinational
corporations, like the African National Congress, ‘who hopes for an economic
revolution strong enough to starve off rumblings of political revolution’,
choosing as its allies the oil companies Shell, Chevron, Falcon and Bundu
(Green, 2015). Western European colonialism which exploited indigenous people
and natural resources, enriching the colonising countries, contributing to the
current environmental and demographic stresses, are an apt example of the
consequences of pathology of dominator hierarchies (Desser, 2007; Wilber,
1995). Such arguments present the effects of commodification of nature and
colonialism that are still affecting today’s media ecologies.
The impact of an Anthropocene driven epoch on
human environments can be catastrophic when considering the increasing
globalisation of the planet. Embodied by GATT and NAFTA and the homogenisation
that globalisation entails, biodiversity and cultural diversity will diminish,
and this loss of complexity will be ecologically (and therefore evolutionarily)
devastating. (Desser, 2007). Surely
a future where everyone is the same means we are disregarding generations of
heritage and thought that came before and replacing it with a techno-driven monoculture that can only benefit those in charge of this singular top-down
economy.
Linear
Capitalism
When discussing the visuality of the
Anthropocene, Moore notes the social origins of environmental
consequences as the ‘strikingly linear view of history’ provided by charts,
that link a ‘direct casual line from the steam engine to global warming’, once
more emphasising the rigidness of capitalist thought and depiction. Nicholas Mirzeoff advances this structural
perception of capitalism through the idea of ‘countervisuality’, a form of
resistance to capitalism that does not move in a linear, tactile fashion
(Mirzeoff, 2014). Countervisuality, being the challenger against the confidence
in European cultural superiority, which helped regulate the increasingly
complex geographic scope of colonial power (InVisible Culture, 2012) is not
just a different way of seeing or a looking at images, but the tactics to
dismantle the visual strategies of the hegemonic system (Baetens, 2011). As
such, it is important to note the Anthropogenic visuality of ‘Anthromes’ (Ellis
et al. 2010) – ecosystems that are dominated by humans, and therefore not
‘wild’ – that has been contextually engraved in public mentality, denoting the
separation between ‘the human enterprise’ and the natural world. Still,
Anthropocene scholars cannot escape the conclusion that humans, too, are a
‘geophysical force’ that operates within nature (Steffen et al. 2011b, 741),
and so new media ecologies should seek to present the coexistence and
essentiality of nature that sustains human existence, instead of championing the through-the-window
perspective that separates us.
Commodity
Culture
Through the current production driven new media
ecologies, the proposition of an Anthropocene can thus be seen as an aid
driving the progression of today’s commodity culture. Such a notion of modern
commodification is epitomised by philosopher Amié Césaire’s equation of “Colonisation
= thingification”, first coined in 1955. This point is furthered by the idea of
“necropolitics”, a term from philosopher Achille Mbembe describing ‘the
replacement of reciprocity with commodification between humans, and in human
relations with the geospheres’. Accordingly, Lesley Green, writing for e-flux
journal, concludes that ‘the geological effect of a necropolitial technosphere,
on a planetary scale, is the Anthropocene.’ Thus, illustrating the illusory
qualities of such terminology to mask the disruption of natural processes being
implemented for economic gain to satisfy the current globalised capitalist
commodity culture. Hence, when Moore rationalises the ‘Capitalocene’ epoch he
too notes a ‘Necrocene’ – a system that not only accumulates capital, but
drives extinction (McBrien 2016; also Dawson 2016) – explaining the importance
of public acknowledgment of the relationship between the reality of capitalist
development and its deep exterminism, and that exterminism is not anthropogenic
but capitalogenic (Moore, 2017?).
Green goes on to use the inorganic
material cement as a way of alluding to greater issues associated with the
Anthropocene mentality, such as the man-induced division between economics and
ecology; ‘such an irrational belief in the power of cement confers upon
modern minded humans the power to enact upon the earth the transformation of
liquid to solid…the separation of human activity from ecological and planetary
systems…the planet’s history is that of flows between states of matter…[it is
not being confined to a particular space]…In cement, the geophilosophy of human
exceptionalism is cemented: the self-image of moderns is thus denatured,
dematerialised, and separated from the planet itself.’
Petrocapitalism
From a theological viewpoint, Sprangler argues
that the uprise of traditional religious practices pushed by ‘patriarchal
social structures’ gives ‘sacredness overtones of authority, power, distance
and maleness’ subsequently shifting the societal focus from ‘a sense of the
living earth’. He thus argues that such practices take for granted ‘an
immanent, accessible sacred presence pervading all things’.
The Anthropocene’s colonialist imperialism
inflicts bigoted structures onto powerless cultures who otherwise prioritise
natures value within their ideologies, as opposed to industry and
commodification. As such, the perceived alienated ideals of the western world
are inflicted in places they historically have no domain, exploiting resources
of native land, giving rise to a homogecene of culture that would otherwise not
exist. North America’s indigenous groups are a great example of less dominating
ways of life suffering the consequences of prejudice practices giving way to an
ecocide of culture.
The existent on-the-ground effects of the
petrocapitalist inflictions is seen in Alberta, where Eriel Derganger, activist
and spokesperson for the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation, talks on the
catastrophic effects on the native communities suffering the brut of its
impacts. Best exemplified through the Tar
Sands Exposed Tour organised by climate group 350 Maine, who documented the ‘biblically-proportioned devastation
and dire human cost of industrial tar-sands oil extraction – a form of
strip-mining considered the most ecologically destructive resource extraction
project on the planet’. Such a threat on
indigenous communities means entire lives are dedicated to fighting the
policies of the dominant white male concerned only with petrocapitalist
motives, in order to preserve their livelihoods, ‘and their traditional, sacred
connection to the land and water – even as that land and water is poisoned,
posing legal threats to their health' (Stephenson, 2014). Deranger speaking in
Boston affirms “we will fight to the highest levels of law…All we need is the
political will to change the course of where we’re going, and respect those who
are so impacted by out-of-control, psychotic, bottom-of-the-barrel resource
development…I don’t want my children to have to be the sacrifice for humanity
to wake up”. Such a statement raises questions of a necropolitics that is
shaping cultural sustainability, whereby otherness is not fostered in
capitalist policy. These communities become collateral to an oppressive,
over-dominating centralised government that values industry over environmentalism.
A powerhouse that dampens the smaller voices and is intolerant of other
ways-of-being. Resultantly, it is the local communities that have lived amongst
this previously untouched expanse of natural landscape for generations, whose
sacred land is so deeply embedded into their heritage, that are threatened.
They are not the stories covered by mainstream media outlets, they have no
voice if equated to the magnitude of the issue. Thus, it can be argued that to
propose an Anthropocene simply gives way for this tight nit group to justify
their actions to the rest of the world.
Maya Lemon, a spokesperson for NacSTOP
(Nacogdoches Stop Tar Sands Oil Permanently), explains to The Nation Journal the extent of this ecocide; “we live alongside drilling, pipelines, fracking, compressor
stations and chemical storage tanks. Because my family doesn’t own our mineral
rights, Exxon has been able to do pretty much whatever they want on our land…my
father was diagnosed with leukaemia, a cancer with known links to petroleum
production”. Here we see a Marxist capitalist mode of production, whereby a
disparity exists which favours dirty fossil fuel extraction “at the expense of
human health, in what are mostly communities of colour”. She further outlines
the importance of a united movement (that is otherwise separated by the
mainstream media outlets) as the key tool for improving the conditions and
circumstances set out by ‘climate change and runaway industry development’.
Hence, it is important to note the ways new media ecologies generalise
grassroots issues, whitewashing the extent to which thousands of livelihoods
are being threatened. The scale of news that media outlets now cater for in
this globalised system fail to present accurate narratives as they must both
simplify and embellish for a broad spectrum of audience, as well as being
controlled by those whose interests are not with local communities. Lemon
asserts that “the ongoing, daily work of my community’s resistance to tar sands
is completely left out of conversations that centre only around the concept of
the National Keystone fight”.
As such we see how the growth of new media
ecologies to cater for far-reaching audiences, covering larger demographics
than ever before due to the globalised world and all-inclusive social media
platforms. The issue here being they cannot communicate the localised issues
that would evoke sympathy –and thus change– to a listening audience. Instead,
the intricacies of the problems abridged, telling only an overarching version
that becomes out of reach for the individual to fully understand or act upon.
This point is accentuated by the embedded law
recognised in the areas not reached by historical colonialism, whereby the
government acknowledge the beliefs and ethics of their indigenous populations,
and value the preservation of ‘Mother Earth’ as an entity that supports all
existence, and thus all worldly progression. In 2010 legislation was passed in
Bolivia that would give the planet legal standing and rights, defined as an
"indivisible community of all living systems and living organisms,
interrelated, interdependent and complementary" (Bolivia’s Framework Law for Mother
Earth and Holistic Development to Live Well, October 2012). The "Law of the Rights of Mother Earth" was an
ethical commitment to vivir bien (living well), defined as
"adopting forms of consumption, behaviour and conduct that are not
degrading to nature. It requires and ethical and spiritual relationship with
life. Living Well proposes the complete fulfilment of life and collective
happiness" (WorldTruth.TV 2012). Drafted by Unity Pact, the law
represented all of the country's 36 indigenous groups and a total of 3 million
people (Mirzeoff, 2014). Such a law that defines Mother Earth as a living
system with rights, instead of an object open to unlimited exploitation, is a
key example of the imperialist global divide, in which entire structures,
ecologies and theologies differ so much that it is somewhat unimaginable that a
similar law could –and would– be passed in a western society. The adoption of
these beliefs into a country’s law by a sovereign power gives hope that such
practices can be sanctioned and endorsed into all societies.
Yet, for now we remain dominantly in a
Petrocapitalist Anthropocene, an epoch where nature is made visible only as a
‘natural capital’ in economic trade-offs, or as a backdrop to a techno-optimism
that places our collective fate in the hands of markets and technology
(Forrester, 2016). The market
will not solve our problems; nor will technology, ethical consumerism, or
romantic anti-technology primitivism. Rather we need ‘to create the space
within which very different kinds of knowledge and practice might meet,’
including ‘economic, technological, political, and cultural transformations’
and ‘new ways of organising knowledge’ (McKenzie Wark). Thus, in order for a global transformation in the name of
ecojustice, we must shift our perspective to align new priorities for our
evolving new media ecologies.
Petrocapitalist Design
Beautiful Destruction is a book by Louis
Helbig published in 2014, “with stunning imagery of the industrial development
in the forests of Northern Alberta” (beautifuldestruction.ca). Such juxtaposing
language somewhat masks the significance of the overarching topic, shifting the focus away from those
accountable. The book also includes “16 essays by prominent
individuals with contrasting ideas about this highly controversial issue”
providing a broad-scale insight of both pro- and anti- industry and environment
contributors including that of politicians, artists, journalists and energy
companies. Fittingly so, those from a pro-industry perspective, including CEOs
and former presidents of energy producers, highlight the tar sands' value in providing energy security for North
America. One commentator, Ezra Levant, Canadian media personality, conservative
political activist, writer, and broadcaster (Wikipedia.com) goes as far as to
describe the pictures to be that of “a liberal, peaceful, democratic
society" based on "ethical oil" distinct from the "conflict
oil" of Middle East Dictatorships (Demos, 2017) a comment that simply
furthers to the socio-political East versus West divide. Nevertheless, the
variant outlooks comprised in the publication allows exposure of the political
corruption enabling petrochemical Canada, as Duff Conacher of Democracy Watch
defends, stating “all speaking to the fact that is ‘conflict oil’ exists
anywhere at all it is here.”
Helbig endorses his
work, declaring that the oil/tar sands “lend themselves to
aerial photography” as it is “not possible to see, interpret and
understand them as effectively from the ground”. However, as Demos
comments; ‘the aerial shots isolate the poisonous industrial exploitation
from its larger socioeconomic and politico-cultural environment’ and that
such an abstraction is then exploited for commercial gain via art galleries and
online shopping (of his book). Demos furthers his point stating the distance
between the capturer and subject ‘displaces the scenes from the misery of those
living in or near the industrial apocalypse’. The effects of this
‘disorientating perspective’ produces ‘wrongful sensations of visual pleasure’
which in turn alienates the viewer, aiding a ‘perverse enjoyment’ of ultimately
images of ‘our own annihilation’. Mirzeoff further comments on this idea of
translating scenes of destruction into compositions of aesthetic beauty,
stating the visualisations of the Anthropocene which ‘comes to seems natural,
right, then beautiful’ anaesthetises ‘the perception of modern industrial
pollution’.
Such ‘disturbing and
seductive imagery’ is further seen in the works of Canadian photographer Edward
Burtynsky whose large-scale prints of industrial landscape further display ‘environmental
toxicity transformed photographically into visual splendour’. Burtnysky’s, who captures
the extensive views of human-altered landscapes in his artistic practice, has a
latest endeavour; ‘The Anthropocene Project’. Clarifying his intentions, Burtynsky
proclaims to the British Journal
of Photography “scientists do a pretty terrible job
of telling stories, whereas artists have the ability to take the world and make
it accessible for everyone. We are having a greater impact on the planet than
all the natural systems combined. I’m trying to let people know that.” His
intentions for the photographs to be “attractive to the eye” whilst still recognising
“beneath the surface there’s always a bigger, deeper environmental issue” offers
a somewhat oxymoronic statement in its effectiveness of communicating to an
audience such a catastrophic issue. The
Anthropocene Project includes photographs of the biggest terrestrial machines
ever built in Germany, concrete seawalls in China that now cover 60 per cent of
the mainland coast, and psychedelic potash mines in Russia’s Ural Mountains.
Seeking to capture the largest examples of extractions of the planet, he
visited 20 countries over five years (Kelly, 2018). Similarly with Helbig however, ethically
must we consider the offset of our carbon footprint even when trying to deliver
a greater message; surely there are other ways of capturing a message without
aiding the pollution and destruction at the core of the topic’s discussion.
Nonetheless, it is easy to miss the expression of environmental
violence from such ‘monumental’ and ‘awe-inspiring’ photographs; a violence defined not only locally in terms of the
damage to regional landscapes, but also globally in relation to the
contribution of industrial fossil fuel production to climate change (Demos,
2017). Consequently, he constructs ‘the petro-industrial sublime’, and such
depictions become interpreted as scenes of modern development masked under the
idea of an ‘American Dream’; "when I first started photographing industry
it was out of a sense of awe at what we as a species were up to. Our
achievements became a source of infinite possibilities". However, in
conjunction with Moore’s Capitalocene thesis, such a statement by Burtynsky
furthers the ruse of universal responsibility for climate disruption, diverting
attention from corporate petrocapitalism’s enormous economic influence on
global politics that keeps us locked in its clutches (Demos, 2017). Hence,
despite the ‘awesome visuality’ the images merit, it must not be overlooked what
they depict.
However, visual literacy protesting the
petrocapitalist agenda is both present and strong, fusing material and design
to aestheticise the Anthropocene in a more productive and environmentally
ethical way, not whitewashing the bigger picture, or naturalising
petrocapitalism in the name of commercialism. The
Subterrafuge was a multi-tower mixed-media installation built in 2014 for the
AfrikaBurn festival, and burned in a 2015 event, that commented on the logic of
shale gas. Situated deep in the Karoo, it sought to reference the tall
infrastructure required to turn the area into an extractive economy. Its
creative name combines ‘sub’ (under or below) ‘terra’ (land or territory) and
‘fuge’ (expelling or dispelling), to play on the word ‘subterfuge’ meaning
deceit used in order to achieve one’s goal. Its ultimate comment being then
that gas, water, rock, earth, and air are commodities extracted for the purpose
of economic growth measured in capital, which is assumed to “trickle down”
through layers of stratified humans. Such subterfuges continue to divide the
necropolitical from an ecology of life across all spheres (Green, 2015).
Such design is further exampled through the ‘unique’ collaboration between
photographer Richard Misrach and landscape architect Kate Orff, in their
publication Petrochemical America, which depicts the
evident on-the-ground environmental
destruction and human cost of the fossil fuel industry along the Mississippi
River (Demos, 2017). The book’s documentation
of ‘Cancer Alley’, one of America’s most industrialised regions, highlights the
Southern oil development’s necropolitical agenda of ecocide. Cancer Alley’s
politics is one of clear inequality, as Demos notes its impacts on ‘certain populations more than others’,
including ‘formally enslaved low-income African-Americans and
working-class white communities, without resources to move to cleaner areas or
lacking the resolve to abandon their homes, [are the ones who] bear the brunt
of petrochemical exposure, while corporation enrich distant shareholders [live]
safely in clean, affluent environments’. As such, the publication’s powerful
context encourages its viewers to participate in opposing fossil-fuel
extraction and its unevenly distributed effects. ‘A political relationality’,
Demos says, that would be ‘otherwise absent in Anthropocene discourse’.
Unlike the work of Helbig and Burtynsky,
this somewhat dystopian example of design, details the polluted apocalyptic
landscape, focusing on the damaging socio-environmental causes and effects of
oil industry development, rather than the aesthetical abstract qualities of it.
Instead, Petrochemical America acknowledges the ‘complex cultural, physical and economic issues of the region’ and
advocates for ‘bioregional and globally interlinked comprehensive approaches
for a post-petrochemical culture of sustainability’. In its ‘Glossary of Terms
and Solutions for a Post-Petrochemical Culture’ (attached to the back of the
book) case studies, tools, and practices are brought together that offer models
for change, such as suggestions for citizen action networks, green chemistry,
sustainable agriculture, public transportation and environmental law that
reject the linear, mechanistic and distributed waste in favour or looped and
living paradigms centred on human energy and renewable resources (scapestudio.com). Thus, instead of
another populist artist narrative on the issue, this ‘joint enterprise’ uses a
municipal of creative skill and the power of concrete aesthetical design, to
effectively communicate to an audience the issues surrounding the petrochemical
industry and ‘our society, which has become inextricably intertwined with its
output.’ The result being a narrative whereby the visualisation of the
Anthropocene is not just transparent but principled.
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